Monday, May 29, 2006

Our Self-seeking Politicians

OUR SELF-SEEKING POLITICIANS


Consensual Corruption

There is a cosy arrangement between all parties that doesn't go beyond political posturing. With little to choose between them on this count, corruption has become electorally irrelevant. And within a democratic system, if an issue cannot lead to the loss of power, it will not to be addressed.

K.P.S. GILL

There was a time when profit was a dirty word in India. That was wrong. Enterprise is driven by profit, and vast areas of national activity and development are inherently a function of enterprise. The Brahminical orientation, which looked with contempt on all businesses, commercial activity and productive labour - a perspective that was almost completely internalised by the Indian bureaucracy and political leadership under the 'socialist' regimes of the past - did incalculable harm to India, slowing down its growth and condemning millions to poverty and underdevelopment for more than four and a half decades.

Since then, however, we have veered to the opposite extreme, and profit has come to justify everything, including outright fraud, corruption and criminality. Just as we practiced an utterly false socialism, we have now committed ourselves to a substantially false capitalism and liberalism. The most significant beneficiaries of the new 'licentious raj', as in the old 'licence raj', are political and bureaucratic middle men, commission agents and money changers who manipulate the system to skim the cream off the top of every deal, building personal fortunes of thousands of crores in tenures that last no more than a few years.

That is the reason why Parliament has been reduced to a forum for debates on one scandal after another, with little time left over for discussion of policy, and why political parties are utterly devoid of any credible design for India's future beyond platitudes about globalisation, rapid growth and India's presumed future as a great power.

Commission agents and money changers have penetrated every aspect of the nation's functioning, including, crucially, national security. Purchases of equipment for the defence, paramilitary and police forces are now in the domain of these money changers, whose utterly unscrupulous pursuit of profit endangers not only the lives of India's fighting men, but the security and integrity of the nation itself. As has repeatedly been the case through history, India is plundered through these opportunistic instrumentalities, whose avarice and abuse expose the nation to grave risk.

It is, however, not sufficient to rail against corruption. If the malaise is to be addressed, the degree to which it has become integrally linked, indeed, completely enmeshed, with the acquisition and retention of power within the Indian system must be understood fully. That is why, despite the fitful and half-hearted action that is sometimes taken against the occasional high-profile offender who is unfortunate or foolish enough to get caught, a culture of impunity generally prevails.

Political parties are quick to 'forgive' and rehabilitate those who are known to control the purse-strings of large and ill-gotten fortunes, and little stigma attaches to the subjects of scandal once the media spotlight has shifted. In any event, with little to choose between various political formations in the country on this count, corruption has tended to become electorally irrelevant. And within a democratic system, if an issue cannot lead to the loss of power, it will generally tend not to be addressed.

While a great deal of noise is, no doubt, still made on a regular basis on the issue of corruption both in Parliament and in the general political discourse, there is a relatively cosy arrangement between all parties that political posturing will not ordinarily be carried beyond a point where real harm could be done to the leaderships that fuel or tolerate such corruption.

If corruption was a moral issue alone, its consequences would not be so grave; but it undermines the very foundations of the tasks of nation building.

This is even more the case within the context of the fragile and highly competitive economies of the globalised world order, where corruption allows profits to flow towards relatively inefficient modes of production and operation, protecting weak systems and undermining long-term capacities for survival and growth.

Corruption also combines with short-term profiteering to divert investment flows away from the development of necessary institutional strengths, and into an economy of increasing dependency that militates directly against the long-term prospects of the system. And if we go beyond mere economics to comprehend the socio-political complex that is generated by corruption, we find the privileging of those who can pay, and an imposition of multiple costs and greater deprivation on the poor, who cannot.

This filters down the chain of administration to the lowest levels, victimising the powerless and, in the process, delegitimising the state, undermining administrative institutions and lawful governance, and fuelling a limitless hatred against the agencies of government and against those who have secured a measure of prosperity in the country. This, precisely, is what feeds the multiple insurgencies across the country, further undermining the capacities of the state to deliver the minimal security and services that a population has reason to expect from its elected administration.

It is relevant, within this context, to underline the fact that these many insurgencies do not, on this argument, represent any measure of hope or relief to the people. Indeed, these movements of political violence have been uniformly transformed into organised operations of widespread extortion that not only directly impose unaffordable costs on the poor in both cash and kind, but intentionally obstruct development in wide areas in order to augment and exploit the resentment and anger of the people against the state's failures to meet their expectations. The 'revolutionary' parties in India are part of this organised thuggery, and the Naxalites are little more than a bunch of extortionists running a setup that is even more inefficient than the Indian bureaucracy - which is saying a lot.

All our institutions, today, have turned into oligopolistic cabals, run by the same mindset. This culture cannot leave the corporate ethos unaffected, and our industries, our newspapers and media houses, our centres of production, are equally tainted by a collapse of norms and scruples. Large sections of the police, customs, direct and indirect tax, and enforcement agencies of the state have become mirror images of criminal enterprises. And ruling all this is the political class which has no historical memory, no vision of the future, and no shame. Unless we shed this mentality and get rid of the enveloping culture of extortion and loot, we cannot take the task of nation building forward.


K.P.S. Gill is former director-general of police, Punjab. He is also Publisher, SAIR and President, Institute for Conflict Management. This article was first published in The Pioneer.


Farm Fight

Is Sharad Pawar taking agriculture seriously?—Congressmen ask

SMITA GUPTA

The "creative tension" between the Congress and the Sharad Pawar-led NCP—allies in the UPA—has often enough led to a turf war in Maharashtra. Now, the two are locked in a policy clash, the battleground being the ministries of agriculture, food and consumer affairs. This is Pawar's empire and the contentious issues are spiralling prices of essential commodities, grossly "underestimating" wheat production leading to imports and mishandling agriculture—one of the UPA's serious problems today.

With elections in four states imminent—where the NCP has no stake—a Congress minister admitted to "hostility" towards Pawar: "The perception is that his bungling of the food economy could jeopardise our poll prospects." Stung by Congress' accusations, Pawar stressed—while replying to the discussion on farmers' suicides in the Rajya Sabha on August 24—that he worked from 9.30 am to 6 pm every day, clearing all files within 24 hours; agriculture, not cricket, he said, was his priority.

When the Congress Working Committee (CWC) discussed the grim price situation on June 29, party sources said Union defence minister Pranab Mukherjee—commenting on the wheat fiasco—said if the agriculture minister had been a Congressman, he and his secretary would have been sacked.

"Big players entered the market and prices went up. MNCs cornered the wheat for international markets." Digvijay Singh, Congress

The CWC officially sought a quickfix: it asked for "an effective mechanism to manage the demand and supply of essential commodities and to check the rise of prices" to minimise its impact on the poor. Then, on July 5, Congress CMs met party president Sonia Gandhi and PM Manmohan Singh. Party general secretary V. Narayanswamy said, "The CMs wanted the NDA-sponsored order dated February 15, 2002, rescinding all Control Orders under the Essential Commodities Act (ECA) to be reconsidered, and state governments empowered to intervene in cases of hoarding of essential commodities. They felt the changes in 2002 had led to hoarding and scarcity."

But on August 21, Pawar introduced the Essential Commodities (Amendment) Bill, 2005, in the RS to amend provisions permitting insertion and deletion of items from the essential items list. Pointing out that 11 commodities were deleted from the list in 2002—when the NDA was in power—and three more in 2004, he said the proposed amendment sought to delete some more items including cattle fodder, coal, component and auto parts, iron and steel, paper among others.

The CPI(M) was furious—and was backed, interestingly enough, by Congress MPs: they included Narayanswamy, former Union minister Janardan Poojary and S.L. Naik. Poojary said, referring to the Congress CMs' demand: "A wrong message will go now..." Naik added: "During natural calamities this is a vital instrument to control the situation. But the BJP looked after the interests of only traders." But eventually, the RS passed the bill with some amendments.

But the disquiet in the Congress had its impact: at a cabinet meeting on August 24, the government decided not to bring the bill to the Lok Sabha the next day, as planned, but instead pass an executive order to allow the states to set a ceiling on wheat stocks and crack down on traders who had excess and force them to bring wheat to the open market.

"We are worried that huge amounts of wheat are being imported. Structural issues must be addressed." Jairam Ramesh, MoS, Commerce

Party general secretary Digvijay Singh said: "Removing stockholding restrictions benefits the farmer. It also leads to speculation; the consumer has to pay a higher price. Therefore, I've suggested the government should announce the MSP but, simultaneously, purchase wheat at previous market rates so that it can subsidise grains through the PDS." But he sounded doubtful whether it would be possible in the long run to avoid liberalising the ECA: "The CMs wanted the 2002 order to be rescinded, but since the government is committed to the principles of the market economy, this will be hard to resolve." However, party functionary B.K. Hariprasad said, "The procurement policies of the Congress and the NCP differ. Pawar feels the MSP should be announced only during distress. We feel it should be at all times. The FCI must procure at normal remunerative prices."

More controversial than whether to liberalise or tighten the ECA has been the management of wheat. Minister of state for commerce Jairam Ramesh says, "The Congress is concerned that substantial amounts of wheat are being imported after a long time; the party feels structural issues in agriculture need to be addressed."

Digvijay adds, "Big players entered the market and prices went up. The government should have immediately gone for market intervention. Instead, they allowed the MNCs to corner the wheat for the international market. Now we are importing wheat from Australia whose landed price at the ports is Rs 1,100 per quintal while the previous market rate was Rs 900 to Rs 1,100."

Summing up, Congress general secretary Margaret Alva says, "The challenge is to satisfy the consumer and the farmer, while balancing the government's priorities with the party's perceptions. For our own survival, we have to express our concerns to the government."



Bull's Eye

Apparently MPs believe their job lies only in making new laws. Such as about their salaries.

RAJINDER PURI

Television channels can be quite unprofessional. The frequency with which young twits anchoring news violate defamation laws leaves one breathless. But to suggest new laws to curb TV could be a remedy worse than the disease.

Recently, a news channel broadcast a taped conversation allegedly between a jailed UP don and a minister of state in the Centre. The minister’s alleged voice begged the don for help to sort out a land dispute. An all-party meeting convened by the Lok Sabha Speaker requested the PM for a probe. A prompt investigation took place. According to the official probe report, the voice did not belong to the minister. If the probe vindicates the minister, he can go to court and take the channel to the cleaners. As a minister he had the obvious advantage of a prompt official probe. And that, even without a formal complaint to the police! Would ordinary citizens receive such attention?

The reaction of the members of Parliament to the broadcast was, to say the least, odd. The targeted minister vowed to abjure work till his name was cleared. Why? Should an unproved allegation suspend a minister’s functioning?

The whole House defended the minister. Leader of Opposition L.K. Advani said: "The government must examine the possibility of legislating an act in respect of sting operations."

JD(U) president Sharad Yadav said: "Let the government conduct a probe within five days and if this is found false let there be some law to stop this kind of channel."

BJP leader Sushma Swaraj, facing the minister, said: "There is no need for a probe! I am giving you a certificate—you are innocent!" Alas, if only her former colleague Madan Lal Khurana who is making charges against her would also give her a certificate of innocence!

Not one MP suggested recourse to the law of defamation—perhaps because defamation cases drag on for years? So, why not a simple reform setting up fast-track courts which decide all defamation cases within two months? That should end unfounded allegations. But that would be using existing law. And apparently MPs believe their job lies only in making new laws, isn’t it? Such as about their salaries?

MPs claim they are underpaid and overworked. That’s why they can’t do justice to their work. But now they have increased salaries. It is reasonable to expect a more effective performance. In the coming days may we expect they will abuse each other more viciously?



Mr. Rajnath Singh,

Bharatiya Janata Party


I only hope that busy political professionals like you may have learnt that Professor Harbhajan Singh, his face smeared in black paint, was killed by blows and punches of dozens of angry students at Madhav College at Ujjain in Madhya Pradesh, ruled by your party.

It is not the first such incident, a few days’ ago, Soumik Basu, a student in Bengal Engineering & Science University in West Bengal died by jumping off a building.

Such incidents would continue to happen if politcisation of so called teachers' and students' unions are NOT BANNED IMMEDIATELY.

I don't believe that parents send their wards to the colleges for joining politics. The students who want to join politics during their study, may do so outside the school / college / university campus as a whole timer of the respective parties and not at the cost of their parents' hard earned money.

Most of these politicised students who become used to receive everything while doing almost nothing vitiate the professional atmosphere later when they graduate.

The political DADAs of all parties (your party included) find the schools, colleges and universities recruiting centres for free cadres, who mostly are incapable of any independent thinking, in the fond hope that these recruits in future may turn out to be their robot soldiers for perpetuating their mis-rules. I personally pity those politicised teachers and students as they are likely to pity me.

I ask, which union activist or their political DADAs can now return Harbhajan Singh and Soumik Basu to their relatives ? I also ask all the union activists what good of the teachers and students have they done so far except showing their ‘DADA-giri’ and extract benefits for themselves ?

Now that most of you professional politicians, have blood on your hands, I strongly appeal to you all to IMMEDIATELY BAN POLITICISATION OF STUDENTS’ & TEACHERS’ UNIONS otherwise, these incidents would continue to happen and you all would shake your hands off by sending some flowers, may be.

Manojendra Gupta


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Mr. Rajnath Singh

Bharatiya Janata Party


May I congratulate you for adding one more feather to your cap ?

As if demolishing Babri Masjid and utter failure by Gujrat Government run by your party to control the riots after the Godhra massacre were not enough, you have now decided to ban films of capable actor Mr. Amir Khan ostensibly for supporting courageous Ms. Medha Patkar.

Bravo what achievements indeed !!

In this connection, may I proudly inform you that I also support Ms. Medha Patkar and signed petitions supporting the issue she is fighting for. I challenge you to gag my voice of protest.

In this connection, an ex-Central Minister of your party, once an actor and now a semi-blue politician, Mr. Shatrughan Sinha, in his press conference, claimed that like voice of protest, there is a voice of rejection also and had the temerity to compare allegedly criminal activities of actors Mr. Sanjay Dutt and Mr. Salman Khan with that of Mr. Amir Khan.

May I also congratulate you for having such excellent colleagues ?

Whereas we have not yet heard anything officially either from you or your party on the explosive issue of reservations in this country, your party, bereft of any issue of national importance, is busy in diverting public attention to mundane issues like banning a film in a state whose governance is by your party.

Has it ever occurred to you that there are many other states in this country and what would happen if as retaliation, their inhabitants decide to ban anything and everything connected with Gujrat ?

Don’t you modern day political professionals who do not contribute an iota to the national GDP, but like social parasites, live off the toils of the commoners and most of whom in private live in five star luxury and wear pro-something attire as the situation demands, think that you are going too far to destabilise this country, more than the ISI, as claimed ?

Don’t you also think that it is time that all such political professionals bent upon destabilising this country on religious and caste lines and many other mundane issues are taught exemplary lessons ( like caning ? ) in full public view ?

Incidentally, is there a retirement for political professionals of this country ? Or has it become customary for you self-seeking politicians to bark till you live ?

Best Regards,

Manojendra Gupta






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